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THE CURSE of the 
HAMITES 




By M. L. DYE 






Copyright, 1922, 
By 

M. L. DYE 






C1A602845 



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3 



■S 



THE CURSE of the HAMITES 

IN RB PRESIDENT HARDING'S ADDRESS 
AT BIRMINGHAM 

After so long a time, it seems that no one has the 
temerity to reply to President Harding's ifyse dixit speech 
at Birmingham on the negro problem. As it is a vital 
question, and, as the "danger of a conflict between the 
white and black inhabitants of the South has perpetually 
haunted the American mind," it seems proper that some- 
one should reply to the President's policies which, if put 
into execution, would instantly plunge the country into 
civil butchery. Would he, in order to keep and maintain 
his party in power, again mislead tlie people and have all 
the South go "Black Republican"? He would not have 
made such a speech had there been in Ohio, as in Louis- 
iana and other southern states, ten negroes to one white 
man. Ohio had a law once (whether repealed I do not 
know) by which "No free negroes are allowed to enter 
the territory of that state, or to hold property in it." Let 
us go back to those who laid the corner stones and shaped 
the destinies of our government. Jefferson, in Memoirs 
of Jefferson, says : "Nothing is more clearly written in 
the book of destiny than the emancipation of the blacks; 
and it is equally certain that the two races will never live 
in a state of equal freedom under the same government, so 
insurmountable are the barriers which nature, habit and 
opinions have established between them." President Hard- 
ing says : "There is an absolute divergence in things social 
and racial and a fundamental, eternal and inescapable dif- 



ference in race, and amalgamation cannot be." So, in 
substance, say Lincoln, Horace Greeley, Henry Ward 
Beecher and other abolitionists, like Garrison. So says 
Dixon in The Clansman — so said Noah. 

Most people of the South condemn the address. We 
must remember he was struggling with a knotty problem 
in an endeavor to reconcile irreconcilable and contradic- 
tory propositions. We must believe he was honest. His 
declaration in favor of political and business equality of 
the white and black races is contradictory and collides 
with his declaration against social equality on account of 
the "fundamental, eternal and inescapable difference in 
race" and "impossibility of amalgamation." The Presi- 
dent's remedy, if followed, would make him the amal- 
gamator of the white and black races in the United States. 
That the white and African can live together as political 
and business equals, and unequal socially, contradicts ex- 
perience. Political equality means that in those states 
where the blacks are in the majority they could hold all 
the offices. Federal, State and municipal, from Governor 
and United States Senators down to constables and police. 

Business equality means that all the merchants, white 
and black, must have black girls and boys and men work 
and associate with white girls and boys and men. The 
blacks, if in the majority, would repeal the laws making 
it a felony for negroes and whites to intermarry. And, 
by and by, some big, fat, black judge on the bench, with 
a little money and a Ford car, would marry some low, 
white wench; and some "poor white trash" would marry 
some black wenches, and so on, ad nanscani of mulattoes. 
until it became a custom and lose the horror — for: "Vice 
is a monster," etc., until you get used to it, and then you 
"embrace" it. But we need not fear "political and eco- 



nomic equality" ; it will never be. Canaan was the fourth 
son of Ham, "And Ham saw the nakedness of his father," 
Noah, and when Noah awoke from his wine he knew 
what his younger son had done unto him, and said: 
"Cursed be Canaan ; a servant of- servants shall he be unto 
his brethren," and blessed be the Lord God of Shem ; and 
Canaan shall he his scrz'ant and God shall enlarge Japheth, 
and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem ; and Canaan shall 
he his servant. Thus Ham's descendants, through Canaan, 
were to be servants of Japheth and Shem ; and Japheth 
(the white race) were to take and dwell in the tents of 
Shem (the olive colored race) and Ham the "hot," or 
black, race was to be servant of all. The "Hamites" (de- 
scendants of Ham through Canaan) are the Africans, 
who have remained uncivilized in the "Dark Continent" 
since the flood four thousand years ago, and are being 
rapidly supplanted by the Japhetic white races in the Eng- 
lish African colonies, and the white Dutch, French and 
German possessions in Africa. Like the poor Indian in 
America, the Hamites, or Africans, have not ascended, 
but descended into barbarism and animalism and cannibal- 
ism (cannibalism even in Hayti). Many tribes have no 
word meaning God and no word meaning "I thank you," 
and the orang-outang and gorillas often kidnap the Afri- 
can girls and carry them ofif into the jungles and make 
wives of them. (But even this example affords no proof 
for the theory of Darwin, since the authorities are almost 
inclined to look upon the African as a "link," or "as a 
being intermediate between man and the brutes.") 

President Harding, like Washington, Jefferson, 
Adams, Lincoln and Wilson, and like all our Presidents, 
believes in the Bible and God, and knows facts when he 
sees them, and knows that social equality is against na- 



tiire, ag-ainst God and against civilization, and cannot be. 
Lincoln, Horace Greely, Henry Ward Beecher, Harding 
and the rest declare that social equality is impossible. 
Harding is right; it is a national question, and a world 
problem with the whites and black and the Asiatic olive 
colored races at the disarmament conference recently held 
at Washington. "Political and economic equality" con- 
tradicts experience. "I have but one lamp by which my 
feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I have 
no way to judge of the future but by the past." — (Patrick 
Henry). "Experience keeps a dear school, but fools will 
learn at no other." — (Benjamin Franklin). Now what 
has been the experience of the white European races and 
the black African races when thrown together? Listen 
to the best authorities. De Tocqueville, a French states- 
man and writer, was sent to America by the French Gov- 
ernment in 1832, when Jackson was president, to study 
our institutions (especially our penitentiary system). 
From the notes taken in this country he wrote "Democ- 
racy in zA.merica," probably the best authority extant on 
the subjects considered. In Volume 1, pages 361 to 387, 
he discusses the situation of the Black Population in the 
United States, and the dangers with which its presence 
threatens the whites, /^.s space is valuable and limited, 
we shall quote fragments, taken here and there from 
"Democracy in America," and cite the reader, especially 
our forward-looking statesmen, if we have any, to the 
prophetic pages above referred to for the full discussion 
of "The Dangers with Which the Presence of the Black 
Population Threatens the Whites." On page 363 the 
author says: "The modern slave differs from his master 
not only m his condition, but in his origin. You may set 
the negro free, but you cannot make him otherwise than 
an alien to the European." (Americans are Europeans.) 



"Nor is this all; we scarcely acknowledge the features 
of mankind in this child of debasement whom slavery 
has brought among us. His physiognomy is to our eyes 
hideous, his understanding weak, his tastes low ; and we 
are almost inclined to look upon him as a being inter- 
mediate between man and the brutes." President Harding 
says: "There is an absolute divergence in things social 
and racial, and a fundamental, eternal, inescapable differ- 
ence in race, and amalgamation cannot be." Such was 
also the opinion of Abraham Lincoln, Henry Ward 
Beecher and other abolitionists, and (last but not least) 
of Dixon of the "Clansman" and of all right thinking, 
well informed persons. Dixon says the blacks are a link 
between man and the brutes. 



De Tocqueville continues: "The slave, amongst the 
ancients, belonged to the same race as his master. But 
even then, when freedom was the only distinction between 
master and slave, when the slave became free the vestises 
of servitude still subsisted, and there was a natural prej- 
udice which prompted men to despise whomsoever had 
been their inferior by slavery long after he had become 
their equal by freedom. The greatest difficulty in antiquity 
was that of altering the law (of slavery); amongst the 
moderns it is that of altering the manners, the color and 
the race, the real difficulties of the moderns begin where 
those of the ancients left off. This arises from the cir- 
crmstance that, amongst the moderns, the abstract and 
transient fact of slavery is fatally united to the physical 
and permanent fact of color. The tradition of slavery 
f'-shonors the race, and the peculiarity of the race per- 
petuates the tradition of slavery." * * * Thus the negro 
transmits the eternal mark of his Hamite Canaanite 



ignominy to all his descendants; and although the law 
may abolish slavery, God alone can obliterate the traces 
of its existence," and of the "Fundamental eternal, in- 
escapable difference in race" (Harding). * * * How are 
I hose distinctions to be destroyed which seem to be based 
upon the immutable laws of Nature herself? "Those 
who hope that the European white races will ever mix 
with the negroes appear to me to delude themselves." 
* * * Hitherto wherever the whites have been most power- 
ful they have maintained the blacks in a subordinate or 
servile position ; wherever the negroes have been strong- 
est they have destroyed the whites ; such has been the only 
retribution which has ever taken place between the two 
races." * * * "It is true that in the North of the Union 
marriages may be legally contracted between negroes and 
whites; but public opinion would stigmatize a man who 
would connect himself with a negrees as infamous, and 
it would be difficult to meet with a single instance of 
such a union. The electoral franchise has been conferred 
upon the negroes in almost all the states of the Union in 
which slavery has been abolished; but if they come for- 
w^ard to vote their lives are in danger. H oppressed, they 
may bring an action at law, but they will find none but 
whites amongst their judges; and although they may 
legally serve as jurors, prejudice repulses them from the 
office. The same schools do not receive the child of the 
black and of the European. In the theatres gold cannot 
procure a seat for the servile race beside their former 
masters; in the hospitals they lie apart; and although 
they are allowed to invoke the same Divinity as the whites, 
it must be a different altar, and in their own churches', 
with their own clergy. The gates of heaven are not 
closed against these unhappy beings, but their inferiority 
is continued to the very confines of the other world; 



when the negro is defunct, his bones are cast aside, and 
the distinction of condition prevails even in the eqiiahty 
of death. The negro is free, but he can share neither 
the rights, nor the pleasures, nor the labor, nor the afflic- 
tions, nor the tomb of him whose equal he has been de- 
clared to be ; and he cannot meet him upon fair terms in 
life or in death." * * * 

"In the South, where slavery still exists, the negroes 
are less carefully kept apart, and sometimes share the 
labor and recreations of the whites, who are more toler- 
ant and compassionate than the whites of the North. In 
the North the white shuns the negro with more pertinac- 
ity, since he fears lest they should some day be con- 
founded together. 

"As soon as it is admitted that the whites and the 
emancipated blacks are placed upon the same territory 
in the situation of two alien communities, it will readily 
be understood that there are but tw^o alternatives for the 
future ; the negroes and the whites must w^iolly part or 
wholly mingle. In the latter event, I have already stated 
that the whites, if in the majority, will, as all history 
shows, keep the negro in a servile state, and that the 
negroes wherever they are strongest will destroy the 
whites. I do not imagine that the white and black races 
will ever live in any country on equal footing, but I be- 
lieve the difficulty to be still greater in the United States 
than elsewhere. An isolated individual may surmount the 
prejudices of religion, of his country, or of his race, and 
if this individual is a king he may effect surprising 
changes in society ; but a whole people cannot rise, as it 
were, above itself. A despot who should subject the 
Americans and their former slaves to the same yoke 
might perhaps succeed in commingling their races, but as 



8 

long as American democracy remains at the head of 
affairs, no one will ever midertake so difficult a task; and 
it may be foreseen that the freer the white population of 
the United States becomes the more isolated will it re- 
main. * * * The pride of origin, which is natural to the 
English, is singularly augmented by the personal pride 
w'hich democratic liberty fosters amongst the Americans ; 
the white citizen of the United States is proud of his 
race, and proud of himself. But if the whites and ne- 
groes do not intermingle in the North of the Union, 
how should they mix in the South? Can it be supposed 
for an instant that an American of the Southern States, 
placed as he must forever be, between the white man, 
with all his physical and moral superiority, and the negro, 
will ever think of preferring the latter? The American 
of the Southern States have two powerful passions which 
Avill always keep them aloof; the first is the fear of being 
assimilated to the negroes, their former slaves, and the 
second the dread of sinking below the whites, their neigh- 
bors in the North. If I were called upon to predict what 
will probably occur at some future time, I should say 
that the abolition of slavery in the South will, in the 
common course of things, increase the repugnance of 
color. I found this opinion upon the analogous observa- 
tions which I already had occasion to make in the North. 
I therefore remarked that the white inhabitants of the 
North avoid the negroes with increasing care, in pro- 
portion as the legal barriers of separation are removed 
by the legislature ; and why should not the same result 
take place in the South? In the North the whites are 
deterred from intermingling with the blacks by the fear 
of an imaginary danger. In the South, where the danger 

would be real, I cannot imagine that the fear would be 
less general. If, on the other hand, it be admitted (and 



the fact is unquestionable) that the colored population 
])erpetiially accumulates in the extreme South, and that it 
increases more rapidly than that of the whites, and if, 
on the other hand, it be allowed that it is impossible to 
foresee a time at which the whites and the blacks will be 
so intermingled as to derive the same benefits from so- 
ciety, must it not be inferred that the blacks and the 
whites will, sooner or later, come to open strife in the 
Southern States of the Union? But if it be asked what 
the issue of the struggle is likely to be, it will readily be 
understood that we are here left to form a very vague 
surmise of the truth. * * * In the West India islands 
the white planters are surrounded by an immense black 
population; on the continent (in the United States) the 
blacks are placed between the ocean and an innumerable 
people, which already extends over them in a dense mass 
from the icy confines of Canada to the frontiers of Vir- 
ginia, and from the banks of the Missouri to the shores 
of the Atlantic (but now, 1922, from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific and from Canada to Mexico). If the white citi- 
zens of North America remain united, it cannot be sup- 
posed that the negroes will escape the destruction with 
which they are menaced ; they must be subdued by want 
or by the sword. But the black population, which is accu- 
mulated along the Gulf of Mexico, has a chance of suc- 
cess if the American Union is dissolved, when the strug- 
gle between the two races begins. If the Federal ties 
were broken, the citizens of the South would be wrong 
to rely upon any lasting succor from their Northern 
countrymen. The latter are well aware that the danger 
can never reach them ; and unless they are constrained 
to march to the assistance of the South by a positive 
obligation, it may be foreseen that the sympathy of color 
will be insufficient to stimulate their exertions. Yet, at 



10 

whatever period the strife may break out, the whites of 
the South, even if they are abandoned to their own re- 
sources, will enter the lists with an immense superiority 
of knowledge and of the means of warfare ; but the 
blacks will have numerical strength and the energy of 
despair upon their side, and these are powerful resources 
to men who have taken up arms. The fate of the wdiite 
population of the Southern States will, perhaps, be sim- 
ilar to that of the Moors in Spain. After having occu- 
pied the land for centuries, it will perhaps be forced to 
retire to the country whence its ancestors came, and to 
abandon to the negroes the possession of a territory 
which Providence seemed to have more peculiarly des- 
tined for them, since they can subsist and labor in it more 
easily than the whites. The danger of a conflict tetween 
the white and black inhabitants of the Southern States 
of the Union — a danger which, however remote it may 
be, is inevitable — perpetually haunts the imagination of 
the x\mericans. The inhabitants of the North make it a 
common topic of conversation, although they have no 
direct injury to fear from the struggle; but they vainly 
endeavor to devise some means of obviating the mis- 
fortunes wdiich they forsee. In the Southern States the 
subject is not discussed ; the planter does not allude to 
the future in conversing with strangers ; the citizen does 
not communicate his apprehension to his friends ; he seeks 
to conceal them from himself, but there is something 
more alarming in the tacit foreboding of the South than 
in the clamorous fears of the Northern States. (So Hard- 
ing says the South is still "blinking at it.") I am obliged 
to confess that I do not regard the abolition of slavery 
as a means of warding off the struggle of the two races 
in the United States. The negroes may long remain slaves 
without complaining; but if they are once raised to the 



11 

level of free men, they will soon revolt at being deprived 
of their civil rights; and as they cannot become the equal 
of the whites, they will speedily declare themselves as 
enemies. The number of negroes in the North is too 
small for them to claim the exercise of their rights. When 
I contemplate the condition of the South I can only dis- 
cover two alternatives which may be adopted by the white 
inhabitants of those States, viz. : either to emancipate the 
negroes and to mingle with them ; or. remaining isolated 
from them, to keep them in a state of slavery as long as 
possible. All intermediate measures seem to me likely to 
terminate, and that shortly, in the most horrible of civil 
wars, and perhaps in the extirpation of one or other of 
the two races. Such is the view which the Americans of 
the South take of the question, and they act consistently 
with it. The Americans of the South are well aware that 
emancipation cannot but be dangerous, when the freed 
man can never be assimilated to his former master." (But 
Mr. Harding says he can.) 

The blacks were four million when emancipated ; now 
they are twelve million ; that is, they constitute one-tenth 
of the population of the United States and one-third of 
the population of the South. Harding says that on ac- 
count of the better wages paid in the North and West, 
the South, if not on its guard, will lose a great part of 
the blacks on account of their emigration to the North 
and West. That would be the best solution of the race 
problem — for when scattered all over the Union they 
would have no majority in any state unless they united 
with the foreign populations. Give the blacks Harding's 
political equality and let them have an election tomorrow 
in Louisiana and fill all offices with the blacks. What 
would be the result? Millions of sheeted K. K. K.'s from 
Maine to Texas. Would Harding call out the United 



12 

States Army to hold the blacks in office and be the 
"despot who would subject the Americans and their for- 
mer slaves to the same yoke?" No, an all- American white 
soldier will never turn traitor to his own race. 

The race problem is also acute between America and 
Japan. Suppose the "Yellow Peril" should cross the Rio 
Grande through Mexico and be joined by the "Black 
Peril," sure there then would be Armageddon and hell in 
the valley of the Mississippi. Verhiun sapictitibiis sat. 

The problem is : "Can two races with the insurmount- 
able barriers, which nature, habit and opinion have estab- 
lished between them," as expressed by Jefferson, and 
with "An absolute divergence in things social and racial," 
and a "Fundamental, eternal, inescapable difference in 
race," as expressed by Harding, live in a state of equal 
freedom under the same government? Jeft'erson says: 
"The two races will never live in a state of equal freedom 
under the same government." I also cite N. A. Rev. 
cxxxix, 429. as follows: "But the whites have race in- 
stincts and when the Africanizing and ruin of the South 
becomes a clearly seen danger, they will be a unit, the 
country over, for the remedy." 

Your religious "Inter-racial Societies." with their po- 
litical pills and plasters, will, I fear, only aggravate the 
matter. The blacks already greatly outnumber the whites 
in most of the Southern States and are still multiplying 
faster than the whites. It is easy to foresee that the re- 
sult will be, as it has always been with the Europeans 
and the blacks — amalgamation never, annihilation ever. 

As transmitted to us by Washington and Jefferson, 
let us preserve to ourselves and to our children the Cau- 
casian race, the highest type of the human family, and 



pD 1.0.4 



13 

not debase and degrade it and niongrelize and niulattoize 
it by a mixture with the black Africans or the olive col- 
ored Asiatics. Leave not this problem to the petty poli- 
ticians who concern themselves in public affairs for their 
own profit or that of their party, and are like that i:lass 
of abandoned women, wdio forget the past, refuse to think 
of the future, living only in the present, and who hold 
their offices to keep their belly full and are like "dumb 
dogs that will not bark." 

MARION L. DYE. 
Dallas, Texas. Attorney-at-Laiv. 



The foregoing is to be made into a motion picture and 
photoplay, some of the pictures being as follows : 

I. President Harding addressing the multitude at 
Birmingham, Ala. "The blacks should have political and 
business equality, biit social equality is unthinkable." 

(la) The Reds or Bolshevicks in Moscow in con- 
vention with negroes, declaring that the blacks in Amer- 
ica must have social equality, and sending propaganda to 
the blacks in the United States. VV. J. Burns reports to 
Congress: "The Bolsheviks are spreading from Moscow 
propaganda among the negroes, labor unions and anar- 
chists in this country urging the overthrow of the United 
States Government. They have established numerous 
schools in the United States, and there are 6ii news- 
papers or publications spreading their radical doctrines 
and aiding the Bolsheviks in their plan to overthrow the 
United States Government." 

(2a) The Catholics establishing a nunnery at Green- 
ville, Miss., for black girls and teaching them that they 
are as good as and the social equals of the white girls, 
that color of the skin makes no difference. 



14 

(3a) The Catholics ordaining negro priests and teach- 
ing social equality. 

(4a) Pope Leo X: "It would be terrible to believe 
in a future state. Conscience is an evil beast who arms 
man against himself." 

2. Ham gazing on the nakedness of his father Noah. 
Noah awakens from his wine and, seeing Ham, says : 
"Cursed be your son Canaan ; a servant of servants shall 
he be and shall serve his brothers, Shem and Japheth." 

3. Orang-outangs stealing the Hamite or African 
girls, carrying them off into the jungles and making 
wives of them. 

4. African or Hamite cannibals eating "long pork" 
(as they call man. calling swine "short pork"). 

5. Election in Louisiana of blacks to all the offices. 

6. Repeal of the law forbidding marriage between 
blacks and whites. 

7. Negro judges marry white strumpets. 

8. Blacks destroyed by K. K. K.'s. 

9. Thomas Jefferson saying: "The emancipation of 
the blacks is as inevitable as destiny, and it is equally 
inevitable that the blacks and whites can never live to- 
gether as equals under the same government." 

10. Abraham Lincoln saying: "There is a physical, 
mental, moral and irreconcilable difiference which sepa- 
rates the negro from the white race, and social equality 
is not possible." 

11. "His physiogonomy is to our eyes hideous, his 
understanding weak, his tastes low, and we are almost 



15 



inclined to look upon him as a being intermediate be- 
tween man and the brutes." — De Toqueville and Dixon. 

Here show his physiogonomy in which we scarcely 
acknowledge the feature of mankind. 

12. Place, in proper place in the above, the Yankee 
slave hunter capturing the blacks in Africa and fasten- 
ing them with the slave-fork and bringing them to the 
barracoons, or slave pens, on the coast to await shipment 
to New England. 

13. The buyers in New England shipping the blacks 
to the South. 



14- 
War. 



New England setting blacks free in the Civil 



15. Conferring right of suffrage on the blacks by 
the Fifteenth Amendment to Constitution of United 
States. The Yankee has ever pursued the black man for 
private gain, not from love of the negro. 



M. L. DYE. 



305 Gaston Building, Dallas, Texas, 







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